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POLITICAL STRUGGLE OF THE UNTOUCHABLES AND THE RISE OF BAHUJAN SAMAJ PARTY Mahwish Hafeez * Introduction Originating from the Latin, “castus”, and brought to India by the Portuguese, the word, “caste” means race, lineage, or breed.1 The Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences has defined caste as “an endogamous and hereditary subdivision of ethnic group occupying a position of superior or inferior rank or social esteem in comparison with such other divisions”.2 Hindus believe that a person is born into one of four castes based on “karma” and “purity”–the way a person has lived his past life determines his caste in the present life. Caste is at the centre of Hindu social structure and this is the most peculiar social institution of India is nowhere in the world followed as rigidly as it is in India. The religious word for caste is “varna”3 and each varna has certain rights and duties to perform. The highest among these four castes or varnas are considered to be the “Brahmins” (priests and teachers), followed by “Kshatriyas” (rulers or soldiers), “Vaisyas” (merchants), and “Sudras” (labourers).4 Outside these four castes are the outcastes known as “untouchables” or “Dalits” who are considered so unworthy that they do not have a place within the caste system. The word Dalit means “burst, split, scattered, dispersed, broken, destroyed, crushed”.5 Dalits, who constitute over 16 per cent of India’s 1.1 billion population,6 have been oppressed throughout recorded history. They were made to believe that the caste system was extremely important in the Hindu religion and resistance to it might result in divine wrath. For centuries, Dalits have suffered inhuman treatment at the hands of upper-caste Hindus. They are segregated in housing, schools, and access to public services. They are denied the right to education, health services, ownership of property, freedom of religion, free choice of employment, and equal treatment before law. Any attempt by Dalits to defy the caste order or demand their basic rights or claim to a land which is legally theirs is often met with economic boycotts or retaliatory violence. The caste system persists in India despite the country’s remarkable progress in the economic field and exposure to the Western culture. However, the Dalit movement is gaining political force as there is increasing intolerance of the injustices which the Dalits have been suffering for centuries. The educated Dalits are working to highlight the plight of Dalits at national as well as international forums with a view to impress upon the government of India to fulfil its promises to give Dalits their due respect and acceptance in society as equal citizens of India. Since the struggle of the untouchables spreads over many centuries, the paper has been divided into three parts. The first part deals with the important social reform movements responsible for the awakening of the Dalits in pre-independence India; the second part with the major events responsible for the emancipation of the Dalits in post-independence India; and the third part deals with the rise of Bahujan Samaj Party or Majority People’s Party (the party formed by a lower caste Hindu, Kanshi Ram, with the motive of bringing the problems of the Dalits to the forefront) and its unexpected success in Uttar Pradesh elections in May 2007. I- Pre-Independence Era The struggle of the untouchables in India against injustice is spread over many centuries. It was Lord Buddha who, for the first time in the history of the Indian subcontinent, proclaimed freedom for shudras and the common man. Buddhists believe in a moral and virtuous life, unencumbered by rituals, and they upheld the right of man’s freedom from the Shastric injunction.7 Similarly, the advent of Islam, with the conquest of Sindh by Muhammad Bin Qasim in 712 AD opened a new door for the untouchables to escape discriminatory treatment, as they opted to convert in large numbers to Islam, which brought a message of love and equality. In the following years, the Bhakti (devotional love to God) movement (800-1700) is considered to be one of the first reform movements which brought many untouchables into its fold. It preached the concept of communal harmony and that all men are equal before God and the merits of each man’s religious devotion are measured by the degree of Bhakti or his dedication to God. It was marked by the rejection of the existing ritual hierarchy and superiority of the Brahmins. The movement had a deep effect on Indian life and saints like Kabir, Ramanand, Dadu, and others are considered to be revolutionary social reformers who criticized anything that was based on caste, creed, or colour. They preached for a society, based on equality, free from all dogmas and superstition, where all men realized that they were part of one family.8 Saints from the scheduled castes like Raidas (chammar) and Chakhavala (mahar) are famous for their spiritual attainments. Guru Nanak (1469-1539) felt that caste system did not serve any useful purpose in society and believed that it was necessary to break it down. He established two institutions–Sangat (association) and Pangat (same row). It stands for people sitting and eating in the same row) to bring all Indians on one platform. He strongly advocated a casteless, classless society, where no one was superior or inferior.9 The beginning of the nineteenth century saw many social reformers coming forward and raising their voices against the tyranny of the caste system. It was a time when corruption and ignorance of the spiritual teachings of Hinduism plagued the priesthood, resulting in rebellions against religion or conversion to Christianity. It was an era of rational inquiry, and reason. It was in this scenario that Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833) established the “Brahma Samaj” (society of worshippers of the one true God) which challenged the religious beliefs and social practices of the Hindus as not being in accordance with their own scriptures. He vehemently opposed the caste system10 and attacked some Hindu traditions and features like the caste system, child marriages, sati, idolatry, and other beliefs. Brahma Samaj inspired similar movements in other parts of India. “Arya Samaj” (noble society) was founded by Swami Dayananda Saraswati (1824-1883) in 1875 in Bombay. He sought to purify Hinduism by means of social reforms. Like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, he also rejected the caste system and refused to recognize the supremacy of the Brahmins. He encouraged inter-caste marriages and denounced the worship of gods and goddesses and preached that only the Supreme Being should be worshipped. A collection of original Sanskrit texts, the “Satyartha Prakasha” (the light of truth), was also brought out by him which supported widow remarriage, rejection of caste based on birth, and the rights of Shudras to Vedic education. He also stressed the concept of tolerance and an humanitarian approach towards untouchables.11 The lower castes did not gain the right to education until the nineteenth century and it was not possible for their children to get admission in the schools which were financed by the government. This pathetic condition moved reformers such as Phule, who started the first elementary primary school for the children of the lower castes. He also established “Satya Sodhak Samaj” (Society of the Discoverer of Truth) in 1870, with the objective of eliminating social discrimination.12 Dr B. R. Ambedkar, born on 14 April 1891 in Madhya Pradesh, is undoubtedly the staunchest champion of Dalit rights. Born into a family of untouchables, he had to suffer discrimination from the very beginning. He was made to sit in the corner of the classroom, separate from the rest of the students, and his teachers would not touch him due to their fear of pollution. However, despite all sorts of humiliations, he managed to go to the USA to study economics at Columbia University. Upon his return to India, he got a job as Military Secretary in the office of the Raja of Baroda; but here too he had to put up with maltreatment and discrimination by the upper caste employees. In 1920, he went to London where he was called to the Bar. In 1923, when he returned to India, Ambedkar once again faced humiliation at the hands of his upper-caste fellow lawyers.13 Dr Ambedkar believed that the problem of the untouchables was not only humanitarian and social, but political as well. It was with this view that, in 1919, he demanded separate electorates, with reserved seats. This demand was granted to the untouchables at the First Round Table Conference of 19 January 1931 in London and was ratified at the Second Round Table Conference. According to the provisions for separate electorates, the untouchables could elect their own representatives to the Legislative Councils. It was the first political right acquired by Dr Ambedkar for the emancipation of Dalits. However, it was strongly opposed by Gandhi, who threatened to fast unto death unless the legislation was withdrawn. Efforts made by several politicians to mediate did not bear any fruit, as Dr Ambedkar remained firm on his stand because he believed that the rights of millions of untouchables were more important than the life of Gandhi. Gandhi started his fast unto death on 20 September 1932 for the withdrawal of the separate electorate for the untouchables. His deteriorating health and the possibility of his death compelled the British government to withdraw this right. Consequently, enmity between the followers of Ambedkar and Gandhi was aggravated; finally, Dr Ambedkar signed a pact with Gandhi, known as the “Poona Pact”, on 24 September 1932. According to this pact, the untouchables were given reserved seats in all elected bodies and in the services; however, the concession of allowing the untouchables any political rights, which Ambedkar believed to be essential for their political uplift, was withdrawn. The pact was later denounced by Ambedkar and the untouchables and the role of Gandhi in this whole episode was seen by them as betrayal and nothing but blackmail.14 Dr Ambedkar established a political party, the “Labour Party of India”, in 1933. Twenty-two members of the party were elected to the Legislative Council of Bombay Presidency, a remarkable show of success for the new party which was mainly supported by the weaker sections of society. In 1941, another political party, the Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF) was launched by Ambedkar with the aim of highlighting the grievances of the scheduled castes and fighting for their rights. SCF remained active for nearly 16 years before it was abolished by Dr Ambedkar; later, in 1956 he established the “Republican Party of India” (RPI). However, after the death of Ambedkar, the RPI broke up due to disagreements among the politicians. Besides, problems such as poor leadership, lack of money, and internal differences also contributed to its failure in making an impact in the struggle for the emancipation of Dalits. II- Post-Independence India India gained independence on 15 August 1947. On 9 December 1946, the Constituent Assembly came into existence under the presidency of Dr Rajendra Prasad which constituted a drafting committee on 29 August 1947 under the chairmanship of Dr B. R. Ambedkar, who was nominated as Law Minister in the cabinet of Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru on 3 August 1947. The draft of the constitution was ready by 14 November 1949 and was approved by the Constituent Assembly on 26 November 1949 and was implemented on 26 January 1950. The constitution of India officially declared the practice of untouchability an offence and propagated the philosophy of liberty and equality.15 However, this scarcely changed the deep-rooted practice of untouchablity in Indian society. Ambedkar, extremely bitter with Hinduism, decided to change his religion and, on 14 October 1956, he, along with about 380,000 followers, converted to Buddhism in Nagpur.16 He died on 6 December 1956. The parliament of India, desirous of prescribing punishment for the offence of untouchablity, passed the “Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955”. The preamble of the act states the objective of prescribing punishment for the offence of untouchability in the form of (1) preaching of untouchability; (2) practice of untouchability; and (3) the enforcement of any disability arising therefrom.17 A new political party, the “Dalit Panthers of India”, was formed in the state of Maharashtra in 1970. Aligning themselves ideologically to the Black Panthers movement in the United States, their strategy was that of defiance and militancy. The first generation of the Dalit Panther movement consisted mostly of artists, who depicted the plight of Dalits through their paintings, literature, and theatre, and sought an organized struggle against the caste system. Dalit Panthers organized rallies and threatened militant action against upper-caste Hindus. The leaders of the Dalit Panther movement were often harassed and were frequent victims of police brutality for criticizing the Hindu religion and the government of India. Disagreement over the future of the movement ultimately led to a dispersal of the Dalit Panther leadership.18 In 1989, the Government of India passed the “Prevention of Atrocities Act” (POA), which described specific crimes against scheduled castes and scheduled tribes as “atrocities” and prescribed punishment to counter these evil practices. It attempts to curb violence against Dalits through three means: first, identification of acts which constitute atrocities (including incidents of harm and humiliation and systematic violence like forced labour, denial of access to water etc.); second, the Act calls upon all the states to convert an existing session court in each district into a special court to try cases registered under the “Prevention of Atrocities Act”; and third, the act creates provisions for states to declare areas with high levels of caste violence to be atrocity-prone and to appoint qualified officers to monitor and maintain law and order.19 Although the Prevention of Atrocities Act ensures legal protection to the Dalits against the inhuman treatment meted out to them by upper-caste Hindus and was a step forward to the abolition of Untouchability, the act was generally a failure when it came to implementation. Several factors were involved in this failure, but the main reason was the reluctance on the part of police officers to register first information reports under the Act, due to their own caste-bias. Even after sixty years of independence, Dalits are routinely abused at the hands of the police and the upper-caste community. Caste-motivated killings, rapes, and other abuse are committed with impunity. According to a report, between 2001 and 2002, around 58,000 cases were registered under the Prevention of Atrocities Act and, in 2005, it was stated that a crime is committed against a Dalit every 20 minutes. 20 This is considered to be only a fraction of the actual crimes committed against Dalits: most of the crimes against them go unreported, as they fear strong retaliation from upper-caste Hindus. Recently, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh also acknowledged the plight of Dalits when he said, while addressing the Dalit Minority International Conference, that “Dalits have faced unique discrimination in our society that is fundamentally different from the problems of minority groups in general. Untouchability is not just social discrimination. It is a blot on humanity”.21 The condition of Dalits is so deplorable in India that members of this community feel that only by converting to other religions can they escape the rigidity of the caste system. Consequently, mass conversions often take place, where thousands of Dalits shun Hinduism. Conversion–the only choice for millions of Dalits to live a life of dignity–is being denied to them through the introduction of anti-conversion laws with legal technicalities in such a manner that they do not directly violate the right to freedom of religion, which the constitution of India has ensured. The argument put forward by the Hindus advocating these laws is that Christian missionaries are responsible for converting poor Hindus, with inducements such as free schooling and health care.22 They believe that anti-conversion laws will protect India’s religious identity. However, it is generally considered that the right-wing Hindus advocate these laws with the motive of polarizing voters along religious lines to gain political mileage. These laws also expose the insecurity inherent in Hindu ideology and religion, as recent mass conversions of millions of Dalits has alarmed Hindu organizations. On the other hand, these laws have been severely criticized by liberals and human rights groups as, according to them, they are a clear violation of the religious freedom of the people as well as of the constitution of India, which protects not only the freedom to believe and practice one’s faith, but also to propagate it. This right to propagate was not included in the Constitutional Committee’s Draft Report of 3 April 1947, but was later included in the suggestions of the Minorities Sub-Committee of 19-22 April 1947, to be placed in the Draft Constitution of October 1947 and February 1948. Ultimately, the right to propagate one’s religion was permanently included in the constitution of India.23 Plight of Dalits and the International Reaction In 2001, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) decided to raise the issue of caste-based discrimination against Dalits at the “World Conference Against Racism” in Durban, despite the Indian government’s argument that caste discrimination is an internal matter of India and should not be taken to international forums. In an effort to exert international pressure on the government of India to take concrete steps to put an end to this social evil, the NHRC argued at the Conference that caste-based discrimination exists as a human rights problem in India which needs immediate attention both at the national and the international level.24 The European Parliament passed a resolution on 1 February 2007, blaming the Indian government for failing to enforce laws protecting Dalits, adding that, “atrocities, untouchability, illiteracy, and inequality of opportunities, continue to blight the lives of India’s Dalits”. The resolution called upon India to work with the Commission for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) to end caste-based discrimination. However, the resolution was brushed aside by the Indian government, saying that it lacked “balance and perspective.25 Similarly, on 13 February 2007, the Centre for Human Rights and Global Justice and Human Rights Watch released a 113-page “shadow report”, entitled “Hidden Apartheid: Caste Discrimi-nation against India’s Untouchables”, in response to India’s submission to the UNCERD (the organization responsible for monitoring the implementation of the International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination [ICERD]). In 1968, India ratified the Convention, which guarantees rights of non-discrimination on the basis of “race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin.” In 1996, CERD decided that the plight of Dalits falls under the prohibition of descent-based discrimination. As a party to the Convention, India is obliged to submit reports on a regular basis, describing in detail the implementation of rights guaranteed under the Convention. As a part of its process, CERD also uses information contained in non-governmental organization “shadow reports” to evaluate the reports submitted by the state. The shadow report submitted by Human Rights Watch and the Centre for Human Rights and Global Justice has severely criticized the government of India for failing to uphold its international legal obligations to ensure the fundamental human rights of Dalits, despite laws and policies against caste discrimination.26 III- The Rise of Bahujan Samaj Party The Bahujan Samaj Party (Majority People’s Party) was founded by Kanshi Ram in 1984, 37 years after India secured its independence from British rule. Born in 1934 as a Raedasi Sikh, a community of Punjabi Chamars converted to Sikhism. After graduation, he was given a reserved position in the Survey of India and in 1958 he was transferred to the Department of Defence Production as a scientific assistant in Poona. His life completely changed when, in 1965, he joined a struggle initiated by other scheduled castes employees to prevent the abolition of a holiday commemorating Dr Ambedkar’s birth anniversary. In 1971, after quitting his job, Kanshi Ram and his colleagues established the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and Minorities Welfare Association, with the objective of keeping a close eye on the problems and harassment of employees of scheduled castes and tribes and finding suitable solutions to such incidents. In 1973, he and his colleagues established the All India Backward and Minority Employees Federation (BAMCEF), which was re-launched in December 1978, with two thousand people joining it. The motto of BAMCEF was “educate, organize, and agitate”. Dalit SoshitSamaj Sangharsh Samiti27 was Kanshi Ram’s first attempt to create a political party in 1981. By 1984, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP: Party of the Social Majority) was also founded, with the aim of articulating the aspirations of the untouchables; ultimately, Kanshi Ram diverted all his attention to BSP and refused to work for any other organization. The party made its formal entry in Uttar Pradesh in a by-election in 1985 for the Lok Sabha seat of Bijinorin, for which the candidate was Kumari Mayawati.28 Born into a low-caste chammar or leatherworkers family in Delhi, Mayawati studied law and worked as a teacher before starting her political career. At the age of 39, she first took the office of the Chief Minister of India’s most populous state Uttar Pradesh, in 1995. Her first tenure as a CM lasted only four months. She returned to power two years later forming a coalition government with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Her rule lasted for six months. In February 2002, she once again formed a government in alliance with the BJP and this time, it lasted for 18 months before her government was sacked over charges of approving a project to build a massive shopping complex near the Taj Mahal, in violation of laws protecting the famous monument. The charges, however, were denied by her.29 The BSP has been constantly expanding its tally: in 1989, it won 11 seats, and 13 in 1991. In 1996, the number increased to 67 and, in 2002, it won 98 seats. Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh Election of May 2007 Mayawati took oath as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh along with members of her cabinet after a stunning victory over her rivals on 13 May 2007, in the face of innumerable odds.30 Prior to the announcement of the results, media surveys had predicted that no one would win a clear majority and that the BSP would form an alliance with other parties in the local assembly. Surprisingly, however, the Bahujan Samaj Party captured 206 constituencies in the 403-seat state assembly for the first time, following 14 years of unstable coalition rule in the state. The last time any party had won a majority and formed a government in UP on its own was in 1991, when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured 221 of 425 seats.31 The BJP came to power by using a divisive campaign on communal lines and promised to build the Ram Temple at the site of the Babri Mosque. In sharp contrast, Mayawati seized power by attempting to bridge the social divide. BJP was considered to be the biggest loser in the election, not only in the number of votes but also in ideological terms. Its seat tally dropped from 88 to 50, a three per cent decline in its vote bank since 2002.32 In the election campaign, BJP leaders focused mainly on sectarian issues like terrorism, the Sachar Committee Report demanding Muhammad Afzal’s hanging, and distributed CDs containing hate material against Muslims with a view to polarizing voters along communal lines. However, it had to face a humiliating defeat. According to a survey, there has been nearly a 22 per cent drop in BJP’S Brahmin support;33 they chose rather to join the BSP as a result of its relentless effort to bring them under its fold. In Uttar Pradesh, the upper castes constitute about 30 per cent of the population, while Dalits constitute 21 per cent and Muslims 17 per cent.34 Mayawati was wise enough to realize that the support of non-Dalit groups was indispensable for victory. BSP scored an impressive increase in its vote bank, from 23.2 to 30.5 per cent since 2002,35 by gathering non-Dalit votes in the state elections. This time it fielded 139 upper-caste candidates, 86 of them Brahmins, 110 from Other Backward Classes (OBCs), 93 from the Scheduled Castes, and 61 Muslims. It now has 34 Brahmin Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs), 19 Thakurs, 51 MLAs from the OBCs, including 4 Yadavs. In contrast, the Samajwadi Party (SP), which is considered to be an OBC organization, had only 27 OBC MLAs. Interestingly, most of the BSP’s 26 Muslim MLAs came from the poor “Ajlaf” communities, as compared to the Samajwadi Party’s 16 Muslim MLAs from the upper-class “Ashraf” community.36 Many of these non-Dalit groups voted for the BSP on the terms set by its Dalit agenda, a clear sign of its growing popularity and acceptance–a new dimension, which has changed the social and political structure of the state. Traditional hostility towards upper-caste Hindus was put aside by Mayawati: “Tilak, Tarazu, aur Talwar, inko maro jootay char (beat them up with shoes)”, the slogan adopted against the upper castes represented by the Brahmins (tilak), the Banias (tarazu, the trader’s weighing machine), and the Thakur (talwar or sword), to “Brahman shank bajayega, haathi aagay jayega” (the Brahmin will blow the conch, the elephant will advance) indicates a clear reversal of strategy. She reached out to the Brahmins (who, traditionally, were seen as her foes), by conducting a series of “bhaichara” (caste harmony) campaigns and the “Brahmin Jodo Abhiyaan” (Include the Brahmins) campaign, which were of great significance in bringing mutually antagonistic caste groups together as one entity. However, it was not only the Brahmins to whom the BSP reached out. Other sections of society were also approached by committed Zonal Commanders, in an effort to integrate one social group or another.37 Furthermore, the fact that in this election, Dalit voters came out in great numbers, especially in the areas where they had usually been denied the right to vote, also greatly contributed to the success of the BSP. The Congress, which rules at the centre, won only 22 seats against the 25 it had held previously, despite an aggressive and high-profile campaign by the Congress Party Chief, Sonia Gandhi, and her son, Rahul Gandhi, appealing to a pan-Indian “Hindustani” identity in the state, which had been dominated by the Congress until 1989. They attempted to evoke memories of the dynasty’s past glories, including the breakup of Pakistan; but this could not win them the support of the masses. Similarly, the previous government of the Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav led a campaign with film stars and big business support, but all this could not compensate for the corruption and the deteriorating law and order situation in the state. In contrast, the BSP avoided TV studios and kept aloof from the media, while constantly working on the ground. This also shows that a party with a relatively modest means can win without resorting to glamour and media hype. The fact that Mayawati’s campaign attracted the biggest crowds among all the leaders contesting the election confirmed her growing popularity. Mayawati was also ahead of her rivals in terms of the pace of the campaign. When leaders of the other parties were campaigning in constituencies which were going to the polls in the next immediate phase, she campaigned in areas which were to witness polling a couple of phases later. She explained the BSP’s perspective on the elections and argued that it was necessary for her party to come to power for the welfare of society, as UP was being ruled by a corrupt government led by the Samajwadi Party, which had ruined the law and order situation in the state. She reminded the large crowds which came to support her that BJP had no vision beyond Hindu communalism and that Congress had done nothing for the welfare of the weaker sections of society, despite ruling the state for many years. She argued that only the BSP had the moral right, organizational strength, and political vision to replace the Samajwadi Party. She welcomed the Brahmins who joined the BSP and promised that the representation of Brahmins would be proportionally increased as and when more upper-caste Hindus supported the party. 38 The unexpected success of BSP is remarkable in more than one way. The fact that a woman from a Dalit family, working in a conservative and caste-ridden society, without any political background has become the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh is significant. She has come to power as a result of a bold Dalit-Brahmin alliance, with the addition of a significant section of Muslims. Assuming that nearly eighty per cent of Dalits in UP voted for the BSP, their twenty-one per cent share in the population could not have produced such a result. It is quite obvious that non-Dalit groups have also voted for the BSP in large numbers. It showcases a new social coalition which the BSP forged in this election. The idea of a coalition of upper castes, Dalits, and Muslims is not a new one in the state’s politics, but what has made it unique in the May 2007 election is the fact that it is now being led by the Dalits and not the upper castes, a total reversal of the social equilibrium. It is now upper castes who are supposed to receive patronage, instead of the Dalits. Today, the BSP has a good chance of consolidating its position in UP and becoming a stronger state level party. However, the real strength of the BSP can only be determined once it starts to expand to other states. Analysts are of the opinion that the BSP will soon emerge as a national-level party and is going to be a challenge for the Congress. Today, the Bahujan Samaj Party has emerged from a narrow caste interest to a Sarvajan Party (comprising all social groups), which is attractive to all the sections of society. The image of Mayawati has also changed to a great extent. From a leader of a single caste party, she is now seen as an independent and confident leader. The results of the election show how democratic space can be used by the downtrodden to raise their voices and be heard. After assuming power in the state, Mayawati faces major challenges in delivering on her promises to her constituency, in particular the Dalits; this can only be achieved through serious social reform, including land reforms and working on the redistribution agenda, and improving the law and order situation in the state. In the election campaign she had said that her first priority would be to ensure the rule of law–a prerequisite for development. Dalits will expect the BSP to improve their condition through land reforms, education, and employment. She will have to address the issues of common concern connected with the development of the state, such as education, employment, health, food, water, and housing. Only by adopting these measures will she be able to consolidate her position in the state as well as at the national level. Conclusion Since time immemorial, Dalits have suffered humiliation at the hands of upper-caste Hindus. Their basic human rights have been grossly violated in the name of religion. However, today Dalits are fully aware of their rights and are no longer willing to tolerate any injustice. They refuse to be treated in a degrading manner just because they were born in a certain caste. Efforts made by educated Dalits to create awareness among the people and the emancipation of their brethren has contributed to a great extent in bringing this social issue on the forefront, both at national and the international level. Dalits can no longer be taken for granted. They fully recognize their political power and realize that in order to get rid of the caste system, they will have to be politically more organized and strong. The result of the recent UP election is a clear expression of this realization. Mayawati has emerged as a great Dalit leader after Dr B. R. Ambedkar and has become a symbol of their dignity and aspirations, after having suffered oppression for centuries.
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* Ms. Mahwish Hafeez is a Research Associate at the Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad.
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